1 obsidian/latin [4.672]: Is this really the correct translation? why is the -que placed there & what words go where? [4.676]: Don’t think this part is right either? [4.692]: I think Hull did this line wrong in class and “quaesivit… lucem ingemuitque reperta” is correct
1.1 All Gaul is divided into three parts, of which the Belgae inhabit one, the Aquitani another, and [those] who are called Celts in their language, Gauls in ours [inhabit] a third. These [tribes] differ among themselves in language, institutions, and laws. The Garumna river separates the Gauls from the Aquitani, the Matrona and Sequana [separate them] from the Belgae. Of all these, the bravest are the Belgae, because they are the longest absent from the culture and refinement of the province, and merchants last often visit to them and bring in the things which pertain to effeminating minds, and they are nearest to the Germans, who live across the Rhine, with whom they continually wage war. Because of which reason, the Helvetians also surpass the remaining Gauls in virtue, because they fight with the Germans in almost-daily battles, when they either keep them from their own borders or themselves wage war in their borders. One part of these [territories], which it was said that the Gauls obtained, takes [its] beginning from the Rhone river, is contained by the Garumna river, by the ocean, by the borders of the Belgae, [a part] even reaches the Rhine river from the Sequani and the Helvetians and lies towards the north. The Belgae arise from the outermost boundaries of Gaul, they reach to the lower part of the Rhine river, they look into the North and the rising (Eastern) sun. The Aquitania reaches from the Garumna river to the Pyreneian mountains and that part of the Ocean which is towards Spain; [the Aquitani] watch between the setting (Western) sun and the North.
1.2 Among the Helvetians, by far the most noble and most wealthy was Orgetorix. He, with Marco Messala and Marcus Pupius Piso as consuls, influenced by the desire of (tyrannical) kingship, made a conspiracy of the nobility and persuaded the city that they should leave from their own borders with all [their] resources: [he said] that to control all Gaul with authority would be very easy, because they surpassed all with respect to virtue. Because of this, he rather easily persuaded them of this,22 because the Helvetians are contained on all sides by the nature of the place: [it was that] from one side, [they are contained] by the widest and deepest Rhine river, which divides Helvetian territory from the Germans; from the another side, by the tallest mount Jura, which is between the Sequanni and the Helvetians; [from] a third [side, they are contained] by Lake Lemannus (Lake Leman, Geneva) and the Rhode river, which separates our province from the Helvetians. On account of these things, it became that23 they roamed less widely and were less easily able to wage war in [their] neighboring [borders]; and from which part the men eager of waging war were afflicted with great pain. But for the a multitude of people and for the glory of war and courage, they considered that they had narrow borders, which in length lie open for 240 thousands of paces24, in breadth 180.
1.3 On account of these things, those influenced and moved by the authority of Orgetorix resolved to prepare those things which pertained to setting out, to buy as great a number of pack animals and carts [as possible], to make sowings as great [as possible] so that in the journey an abundance of grain would be supplied, and to declare peace and friendship with the closest cities. For finishing these things, they considered[^1.3.7] that two years would be enough for themselves; in the third year they establish a departure by law. For finishing these things Orgetorix is selected. He undertook upon himself the embassy to the cities. On that journey he persuades Casticus, the son of Catamanteloedis, a Sequani whose father had held rule in the Sequani for many years and had been called by the senate friend of the Roman people, that he should take control of ruling power in his city, which [his] father had held before; And likewise, he persuades Aeduan Dumnorix, the brother of Diviciacus, who (Diviciacus) at that time held leadership in the city and was greatly pleasing to the populace, that [he should] try the same, and he gives his own daughter to him in marriage. He demonstrates that to complete the attempted [feats] would be very easy to do, because he himself was about to obtain ruling power of his own city: [he said] that there was no doubt that the Helvetians would be exceedingly able [to control] all Gaul; he declares that he will secure the ruling powers for them with his own resources and his own army. Those influenced by this speech pledge loyalty and an oath to be sworn among themselves, and they hope that with the ruling power seized through three very fierce and strong peoples, they would be able to master all Gaul.
1.4 This plot was disclosed to the Helvetians through the evidence (of an informant). According to their own customs25, they force Orgetorix to state [his] case from chains. It behooved punishment to follow the condemned, so that he would be burned by fire. On the day of the pleading of the case agreed to, Orgetorix compelled on all sides his whole own family to the trial, towards ten thousand people, and to the same [place], he assembled all his own clients and debtors, a great number of which he had; through them he rescued himself so that he would not plead [his] case. When the city, incensed by this incident, tried to enforce its own law with arms, and the magistrates compelled a crowd of men from the fields, Orgetorix died; and nor is suspicion absent, as the Helvetians judge it, that he himself contrived death for himself.
1.5 After his death, the Helvetians no less resolved to do that which they are trying, that they should leave from their own borders. As soon as (lit. When now) they judged that they were ready for this undertaking, they burn all their own towns, towards twelve in number, towards four-hundred villages, and the remaining private buildings; they burn all the grain, except for what they will carry with them, so that with hope of returning home destroyed, they would be more prepared for enduring all dangers; they order each one to bring from home ground flour of three months for themselves26. They persuade the neighboring Rauraci and Tulingi and Latobrigi, that using the same idea, they set out together with them with their own towns and villages burnt up, and they receive as allies recovered for themselves the Boios, who had lived across the Rhine and had crossed into the Noreian field and fought the Noricians.
1.6 There were only two paths, by which paths they were able to leave from [their] home: one through the Sequanni, narrow and difficult, between the Iura mountain and the Rhine river, where27 single carts could hardly be led, but the tallest montain was overhanging, so that a few people were able to block [it] easily; the other [path] through our province [was] easier by much and unimpeded, because between the borders of the Helvetians and Allobroges, who recently had been pacified, the Rhine flows, and it could be crossed in some places by a ford. Geneva, the farthest town of the Allobroges, is nearest to the borders of the Helvetians. From that town a bridge extends to the Helvetians. They were considering that they themselves will either persuade the Allobroges, because they did not yet seem [to be] with good spirit in the Roman people, or compel them by force that they allow them to go through their own borders. They say the day with all things prepared for setting out, on which day they would all gather at the bank of the Rhone. That day was (ante diem V. Kalends April, 5 days before the Kalends of April) with Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius as consuls.
1.7 When this had been reported to Caesar, that they were trying to make a journey through our province, he hastens to set out from the city and with journeys as great he can, he hastens into remote Gaul and arrives at Geneva. He orders from the whole province as great a number of soldiers as he can (there was in remote Gaul only one legion), he orders the bridge, which was at Geneva, to be destroyed. When the Helvetians were made more certain about his arrival, they send the noblest ambassadors to him, of which embassy Nammeius and Verucloetius held the principal place, who were to say that it was in mind for them to make a journey through the province without any mischief, because they had no other journey: they ask that it be allowed for them to do this [journey] with his consent. Caesar, because he held in [his] memory that consul Lucius Cassius was killed and his army was defeated by the Helvetians and sent under a yoke, did not think that this was to be permitted; and he did not consider that the people with hostile spirit, with the opportunity of making a journey through the province given, would refrain from damage and mischief. However, so that an interval [of time] would be able to pass until the soldiers whom he had ordered could arrive, he responds to the ambassadors that he would take a day for deliberating: if they should want anything, they should return on the ides of April.
6.13 In all Gaul, there are two class of those men who are with some number and number. For the plebacy is held nearly in the place of slaves, who dares nothing though themselves, and is employed in no council. And the masses, when they are oppressed either by alien bronze (debt), or by the size of a tributes(/taxes), or by the injustice of the rather powerful [men], will surrender themselves into servitude to the nobles, for whom there are all the same powers (over) them, which [there are] for masters (over) slaves. But concerning these two classes, one is of the Druids, the other is of the equites. They are present for divine things [and] care for public and private sacrifices, [and] they interpret superstitions: a great number of young men rush to them for the purpose of learning, and they are among them (the young men) in great distinction. For they decide concerning nearly all public and private controversies, and, if some crime was committed, if murders were made, if there is controversy concerning inheritance, concerning borders, they decree the same [and] decide rewards and punishments; if somebody, either private or populous, did not abide by their decree, they exclude [them] from sacrifices. This punishment among them is most severe. Those, for whom it was interdicted thusly, were held in a number of criminals and impieties, all depart from them and flee from [their] approach and conversation, lest they receive something of inconvenience from the touch, and for those seeking justice, it is neither returned, nor is any distinction shared. Yet one is at the head of all these Druids, [one] who has among them the greatest authority. With him dead, either if somebody surpassed from the rest in dignity, he succeeds, or, if there are many equals, with the voting of the Druids, sometimes even with arms they contend for the principal [spot]. At a certain time of year, they settle in a place in the borders of the Carnutes, a region which was held [to be] the center of all Gaul. Here all who have controversies from everywhere convene [and] abide by the decrees and judgements of them (Druids). [This] discipline is thought to have been discovered in Britain and then brought into Gaul, and now, [all] who wish to understand that thing more carefully set out for that [place] very often for the purpose of learning.
6.14 The Druids became accustomed to being absent from war, and they do not pay tributes together with the remaining [men]; they have immunity of all things and exemption of military service. Excited by these prizes, many both convene into [this] discipline by their own will and are sent by parents and relatives. There, they are said to memorize a great number of verses. Thus, some remain in the study for twenty years. And nor do they think that it is right to commit those [things] to letters, although in almost [all] the remaining things, in public and private accounts, they use Greek letters. To me, they seem to have instituted this because of two causes, because they neither wish that the discipline be known into the common population, nor [did they wish] that those, who learn, trusting28 in letters, to strive for memory less: because it nearly happened to many, that because of the protection of letters, they give up memory and diligence in learning. In the first [times], they wish to persuade this: that souls do not perish, but cross from some to others after death, and because of this they consider [people] to be most greatly driven to virtue with fear of death neglected. Furthermore, they debate many [things] about stars and their motion, about the size of the world and earth, about the nature of things, about the strength and power of immortal gods, and they teach [it] to the youth.
6.15 The other class is of horsemen (equites). They, when it is useful and some war arises (which, before the arrival of Caesar, was accustomed to happen nearly every year that they themselves may inflict injuries, or drive off those inflicted), all are turned in war; and as each of them is most prominent in family and resources, so thus [each] has around himself more vassals and clients. They know this one influence and power.
6.16 The whole nation of Gauls was completely devoted to religions, and because of that reason, those who were afflicted with rather serious illnesses and those who are turned in the dangers and battles either sacrifice humans as victims or vow that they will sacrifice [someone], and they use Druid priests at those sacrifices, because, unless [another] life of a person should be given back for the life of a person, they judge that the will of the immortal gods is not able to be appeased, and they have sacrifices instituted publicly of the same kind. Others have statues of immense magnitude, the limbs of which, bound with wickers, they fill with living humans; with which burnt, the men, surrounded by flame, are killed29. They judge the punishments of those who were arrested in theft or in robbery or another crime to be more gratifying for the immortal gods; but, when the supply of that kind is deficient, they even resort to the punishments of the innocents.
6.17 Of the gods they worship Mercury the most. There are many statues of him: they judge that he [is] the inventor of all arts, that he [is] the commander of roads and journeys, that he has the greatest force for the enterprises and acquisitions of money. After him [they worship] Apollo and Mars and Jove and Minerva. About them they have the same opinion as the nearly [all] the remaining peoples: that Apollo wards off sicknesses, that Minerva gives the beginnings of works and artifices, that Jove holds power of celestial beings, that Mars controls wars. To him, when they resolved to fight in battle, they often devote those [things] which they will have captured in war: when they conquered, they collect the remaining things in one place. In many cities it is allowed to see mounds built of these things in consecrated places; and not often does it occur, that anyone, with religion disregarded, dares to either hide the captured among themselves or to steal the placed [things], for this thing the most serious punishment with torture was decreed.
6.18 The Gauls proclaim that they all were descended from father Pluto and they say that it was handed down by the Druids. On account of that reason, they determine the space of all time not by the number of days but of nights; thus they observe birthdays and the starts of months and years so that the day follows the night. In the other institutions of life, they differ from the nearly [all the] rest in this respect, which [is that] they do not allow their own children, unless when they have grown up, so that they might be able to endure the duty of the military, to approach towards themselves openly, and they consider shameful that a son with childish age stands in public in the sight of the father.
6.19 Men accept as much money from wives in the name of dowry as they share from their own goods, with the appraisal made, with dowries. An account of all this money is held jointly and the rewards are saved: whichever of them prevails in life, to them part of the other’s [account] with profits of previous times arrives. The men have in wives, just as in children, the power of life and death; and when the paterfamilias born from a rather distinguished location dies, his relatives convene and, if the thing about the death comes into suspicion, they have questioning about the wives in a slavish way and if it was ascertained, they kill them, tormented by fire and all tortures. Funerals are, according to the custom of the Gauls, magnificent and expensive; and all whom they judged to have been dear to the living [master][^6.19.13], they carry into fire, even animals, and slightly above (before) this memory (period) slaves and clients, whom it is evident to be chosen by them, with the rightful funerals finished, together were cremated.
6.20 Cities, which they judged to manage their own republic rather easily, have [it] bound by laws, if someone received something about the republic from bordering [states] by hearsay or rumor, that it carries to the magistrate and he does not share [it] with anyone else, because it is known that reckless and ignorant humans are frightened by false rumors and driven to crime and to get ideas about the greatest things. The magistrates hide what was seen and hand down to the crowd what they judged to be from use. Unless through an assembly, it is not permitted to speak about the republic.
4.24 And the barbarians, with the plan of the Romans known and the horseman and chariots advanced, which type they are accustomed to use very often in battle, following with the remaining troops, they prohibited our [men] to disembark from [our] ships. There was, on account of these causes, the greatest difficulty, because the ships, because of their magnitude, were not able to be anchored, unless in deep [water], but for the soldiers, with locations unknown and hands hindered, oppressed by the great and serious load of arms, together it was to be leapt down from the ships and to be stood in the rivers and to be fought with enemies, when they [the enemies], having advanced either from dry [land] or slightly into water with all limbs unimpeded, with the locations most familiar, boldly hurled weapons and urged on trained horses. For which reasons, our [men], terrified and completely inexperienced of this kind of fight, were not using the same eagerness and devotion, which they were accustomed to use in battles on foot.
4.25 And when Caesar noticed this, he ordered the long ships, the sight of which was both rather startling for the barbarians and the motion lighter-armed to use, to be withdrawn slightly from the loaded ships and to be urged on by oars, and to be driven towards the open flank of the enemies, and then [he ordered] the enemies to be driven back and driven away with slings, arrows, and engines; which decision was a great use for our [men]. For the barbarians, having been incited by both the shape of the ships and the motion of the oars and the unusual type of missiles, stopped and just now slightly retreated [their] foot. And with our soldiers hesitating, especially on account of depth of the sea, he who was carrying the eagle of the tenth legion, having beseeched the gods that this affair may turn out happily for the legion, said “Jump down, comrades, unless you wish to betray [this] eagle to the enemies; I certainly will have supplied my duty to the republic and to [our] commander.” When he had said this with a great voice, he threw himself forward out of the ship and began to carry the eagle into the enemies. Then our men, having cheered among themselves, lest such a dishonor be admitted, together leapt down from the ship. Likewise, when the foremen from the nearest ships had seen these, they, having followed closely, approached the enemies.
4.26 It must be fought by both [sides] fiercely. Our men however, because they were neither able to maintain rows, nor stand firmly, nor follow signs, and one man from another ship attached himself with whatsoever standards he had happened upon, they were greatly terrified. The enemies, however, with all shallows known, when from the shore they had caught sight of others departing from the ship one at a time, with horses urged on, they attacked the impeded, the many [enemies] surrounded the few [men], others were throwing weapons into the whole from an open flank. When Caesar had noticed [this], he ordered the skiffs of long ships, and likewise the scouting boats to be filed with soldiers, and to those whom he had saw working hard, he sent reserve forces. Our men, as soon as they stood on dry [land], with all of their own having followed, made an attack against the enemies and gave them into flight; and yet they were not able to pursue too long, because the horsemen were not able to hold the course and take the island. This alone lacked the former fortune for Caesar.
4.27 The enemies having been overpowered in battle, as soon as30 they recovered themselves from the flight, at once they sent legates to Caesar about peace; they promised that they were about to give hostages and about to do whatever [Caesar] had ordered. Together with these legates, came Commius Atrebas, whom I had previously explained was sent ahead by Caesar into Britain. They had arrested him, having disembarked from the ship, although he reported to them with the mandated manner of speaking of Caesar, and they had thrown him into chains; then, with the battle completed, they returned [him], and in reaching for peace they ascribed the blame of this thing into the crowd and they sought that [the crowd] may be pardoned because of [their] imprudence. Caesar, having complained because, although they had voluntarily sought peace from him on the continent with legates sent, they had inflicted war without cause, said [that he] forgave the imprudence, and he ordered the hostages; a part of which they gave at once, and [another] part, having been summoned from rather distant locations, they said that they would give within a few days. Meanwhile, they ordered their own [men] to return into the fields, and the chiefs began to gather everywhere and surrender themselves and their own citizens to Caesar.
4.28 With peace declared with these things, on the fourth day afterwards on which it was gone into Britain, eighteen ships, about which it was discussed above, which had carried the cavalry, sailed from the higher port by gentle wind. And when the Britons approached and were seen from the camps, such a great storm suddenly arose that none of them were able to hold the course, but some were returned to the same [place] from which they had set out, others were cast down with their own great danger to the lower part of the island, which was nearer to the setting of the sun; and when they however, with anchors thrown, were filled with waves, they unavoidably sought the continent, having been carried forth into the deep during the hostile night.
4.29 On that same night, it happened that the moon was full, and which day was accustomed to cause the greatest maritime tides in the ocean, and to our men it was unknown. Thus at one time the tide had filled both the long ships, with which [Caesar] had cared for the army to be transported, and which Caesar had led into dry [land], and the transport ships, which had been fastened to anchors, the tempest injured, and not any power of either managing or helping was being given to our [men]. With many ships broken, because with ropes, anchors, and remaining implements lost, the remaining were useless for sailing, a great disturbance, that which was necessary to occur, was made by the whole army?. And for nor were there other ships with which they were able to be carried back, and all was lacking which were for use for repairing ships, and, because it was evident to necessary for all to be wintered in Gaul, the grain was not provided in these locations into winter.
4.30 With which things known, the British chiefs, who had convened towards Caesar after the battle, having discussed among themselves, because they understood that the horses and ships and grain were lacking for the Romans and surmised the paucity of soldiers from the scantiness of the camps, which because of this were more stretched because Caesar had transported the legions without impediments, considered it to be best to do, with rebellion made, to prohibit our [men] from grain and voyage, and to prolong the affair into winter, because with them conquered or precluded from return, they hoped that afterwards, nobody would cross into Britain with the purpose of bringing war. And thus, with conspiracy made again, gradually they began to leave from the camps and secretly conduct their own [men] from the fields.
4.31 But Caesar, even if he had not yet learned their plans, nevertheless both from the outcome of his own ships and from this, [that] because they had neglected to send hostages, was surmising that which happened. And thus, he obtained help for all chances. For he both collected grain from the fields into the camps everyday, and he was using for the repairing of the remaining [ships] the bronze and wood of those which ships had been most gravely injured, and he ordered those things which were for use towards these things to be obtained from the continent. And thus, because it was attended to with the highest devotion by the soldiers, [even] with twelve ships lost, he made it so that it was able to be sailed easily with the remaining [ships].
4.32 While those things were being done, with one legion sent out of custom to forage, which was called the seventh, and without any suspicion of war alleged at that time, while part of the men remained in the fields, part even visited into the camps, those who were in front of the gates of the camps in the outpost announced to Caesar that a greater dust cloud than custom would bring was seen in that part into which the legion made [their] journey. Caesar, having suspected that which was, that something of a new conspiracy was begun by the barbarians, ordered the cohorts which were in the stations to set out with him into that part, [and] from the remaining [he ordered] two cohorts to advance into the station, [and he ordered] the remaining to be armed and immediately closely follow him. When he had advanced slightly farther from the camps, he noticed his own [men] were oppressed by enemies and enduring with sickness, and, with the legion dense, that weapons were thrown from all parts. For because with all grain reaped from remaining parts, one part was left, the enemies, having surmised that our men will come here, hid by night in the forests; then having suddenly attacked [our] scattered [men] occupied in harvesting with weapons put down, with a few killed, they terrified the remaining because of the disordered ranks, [and] at once they surround [our men] with horse and chariots.
4.33 This is the type of fighting from chariots. First, they ride through all parts and hurl weapons and generally terrify ranks with that panic of horses and noise of wheels, and, when they winded themselves into the troops of horses, they jump down from the chariots and fight on feet. Meanwhile the charioteers gradually withdraw from the battle and place their chariots thus that, if they (the men) would be oppressed by the multitude of the enemies, they would have an unimpeded retreat to their own [men]. Thus they exhibit mobility of horses and firmness of feet in battles, and so greatly by daily use and exercise they effect it that in declining and steep location, they are accustomed to control and direct with briefness and to check the excited horses, and both to run over through the pole and stand on the yoke, and to then recover themselves into the chariots most quickly.
4.34 With our [men] disturbed by which things because of the novelty of the battle, at the most opportune time Caesar brought help: and for the enemies halted because of his arrival, our [men] recovered themselves from [their] fear. And with this having been done, having judged that this time was unfavorable for attacking the enemy and for commencing battle, [Caesar] contains himself in his own position and with a brief time having passed between, he drew back [his] legions into the camps. While these things were being done, with all our [men] occupied, the remaining [Britons] who were in the fields departed. Storms follow for many continuous days, [storms] which both contain our [men] in the camps and prevented the enemy from battle. Meanwhile the barbarians sent out messengers into all parts and proclaimed to their own [men] the paucity of our soldiers and they explained how great a opportunity of taking spoils and liberating themselves into perpetuity was being given if they had expelled the Romans from the camps. Because of these things, with a great multitude of foot soldier and horseman gathered, they quickly advanced to the camps.
4.35 Caesar, even if he saw that that which had happened on previous days would [then] happen, [namely] that, if the enemies had been defeated, they would flee from danger with speed, nevertheless obtained around 30 horsemen, whom Commies Atrebas, about whom it was previously spoken, had transported with himself, [and] he established the legions in a battle-line before the camps. With the battle begun, the enemies were not able to bear the attack of our soldiers for too long and turned [their] backs. And [our men] followed them for as great distance as they were able to do with speed and strengths, and they killed many out of them, then with all buildings far and wide burnt, they recovered themselves into the camps.
4.36.1 That same day, legates sent by the enemies come to Caesar about peace.
5.24 With the ships drawn up, and with the council of the Gauls in Samarobriva finished, because in that year the grain grew rather narrow because of the droughts in Gaul, [Caesar] was forced, contrary to the previous years, to arrange the army in winter quarters and to divide the legions into many cities. Out of which, he gave one [legion] to Gaius Fabius to be lead against the Morini, another to Quintus Cicero against the Nervii, a third to Lucius Roscius against the Esubii; the fourth, he ordered to winter in the neighborhood of the Treveri with Titus Labienus in the Remi people. He arranged three [legions] in the Bellovaci: he placed the legates, quaestor Marcus Crassus and Lucius Munatius Plancus and Gaius Trebonius, in charge of these [legions]. He sent one legion, which he had enlisted recently across the Po, and five cohorts against the Eburones, the greatest part of whom is between the Mosa and Rine, [and] who were under the command of Ambiorix and Catuvolcus. He ordered the legates Quintus Titurius Sabinus and Lucius Aurunculeius Cotta to command these soldiers. In this manner, he estimated that he would easily be able to be cured of the grain insufficiency with the legions divided. And nevertheless the winter quarters of all these legions, except that which he gave to Lucius Roscius to be led into the quietest and most peaceful part, were contained by a hundred miles31. He himself, meanwhile, until he had learned that the legions [had been] arranged and the winter quarters [had been] fortified, resolved to linger in Gaul.
5.25 Tasgetius had been born in the highest rank among the Carnutes, whose ancestors had held royal power in their own city. For him, Caesar, on behalf of his virtue and [his] kindness towards him [i.e. Caesar], because [Caesar] had used his remarkable service in all wars, had restored the status of the ancestors. [His] enemies, publicly and with many authors, had killed this [man], ruling now for the third year. This affair is reported to Caesar. He, having feared, because [the plot] concerned to many [peoples], that their city would revolt because of the instigation, orders Lucius Plancus to set out quickly against the Carnutes with a legion from Belgium, and to winter there, and to send to him those arrested by whose work he understood Tasgetius to be killed. Meanwhile, by all the legates and quaestors to whom he had entrusted legions, he was made more certain that it was arrived into the winter quarters and that the location for the winter quarters was fortified.
5.26 Within around 15 days, during which it was arrived into the winter quarters, the beginning of a hasty insurrection and revolt arose from Ambiorix and Catuvolcus; and who, although they had been at hand32 with Sabinus and Cotta at the borders of their own kingdom and had brought grain into the winter quarters, they, having been instigated by the messengers of the Treverian Indutiomarus, incited their own [people] and suddenly, with the wood-foragers oppressed, came to attack the camps with a great band [of men]. When our men had quickly seized arms and ascended the wall and with the Spanish horsemen sent from one part, had been superior in the equestrian battle, [and] with the state hopeless, the enemies drew back their [men] from the battle. Then in accordance with their own custom, they shout that someone from our [men] come forth to a conference: [they say that] they have [things] which they wished to say about the shared affair, with which things they hoped the dispute would be able to be settled.
5.27 Sent to them for the purpose of talking is Gaius Arpineius, a Roman horseman [and] a close friend of Quintus Titurus, and [also sent is] a certain Quintus Junius from Spain, who now had been accustomed to visiting to Ambiorix before sent by Caesar; and with whom Ambiorix spoke in this way: [he said] that he confesses [that he] owed much to him on behalf of the kindnesses of Caesar towards himself, because by his effort, he was liberated from taxation, which he had been accustomed to pay to his own neighbors, the Aduatuci, and because both [his] son and the son of [his] brother had been sent to him by Caesar, [the sons] whom, having been sent among a number of hostages, the Aduatuci had held among themselves in servitude and chains; and [he said that] he had not done that which he did about the attack of the camps out of either his own will or judgement, but out of the compulsion of the population, and that his own authority was of such a kind that the multitude did not have less power in himself than he had in the multitude. Furthermore [he said that] this had been the cause of war for the population, because [it] was not able to resist the hasty plan of the Gauls. [He said that] he was able to easily demonstrate it from his own weakness, because he is not so inexperienced of things that he hopes that the Roman people is able to be overpowered by his own troops. But [he said] that this was a common plan of Gaul: that this day had been set for attacking all winter camps of Caesar, so that not any legion would be able to come for help for any other legion. [He said that] Gauls had not been able to easily deny Gauls, especially when a plan seemed to have been formed about recovering the liberty of the community. And because he satisfied them on behalf of [his] piety, [he said that] he now had reason of duty on account of Caesar’s good deeds: [he says that] he warns [them], he begs Titurius on account of [his] hospitality to take care of his own safety and [the safety] of [his] soldiers. [He said] that a great hired band of Germans had crossed the Rhine; [and that] this [band] would arrive within two days. [He said that] this was their plan, whether they wanted before the neighbors perceive [it], to lead the soldiers having been led out from the winter camp either to Cicero or to Labienus, of which one [was away] by around fifty miles, the other [of which] was away from them by slightly further. [Ambiorix said] that he promised that [thing] and confirmed by an oath that [he] would give safe passage through the borders. And because [he] does this, that he both takes care for [his] city, because it will be lightened from the camps33, and that he returns a favor to Caesar for his services. With this address delivered, Ambiorix left.
5.28 Arpineius and Iunius report [those] which they heard to the legates. They, disturbed by the hasty thing, even if these were said by an enemy, nevertheless estimated that [they] were not to be disregarded, and they were incited greatly by this thing, because it was hardly to be believed that the ignoble city and the lowly Eburones would dare34 to wage war with the Roman people by their own will. Therefore, they report the matter to the council and a great controversy ensued among them. Lucius Aurunculeius and a great many of the military tribune and the centurions of the first ranks estimated that [there was] nothing to be done rashly and that [it was] not to be departed from the winter quarters without a Caesar’s order: they instructed even that however many great forces of the Germans could be sustained by the fortified winter quarters: [they said] that the matter was for proof35, because they sustained the first attack of the enemies the most bravely, moreover with many wounds inflicted: [they were] not oppressed by the grain situation; [they said] that reserve forces would arrive both from the nearest winter quarters and from Caesar: finally what was more inconstant or more dishonorable than to take an idea about the greatest things [of life and death] from an enemy authority?
5.29 Against these [arguments] Titurius was shouting that they would do it too late, after the larger bands of enemies with Germans united had convened, or after some disaster36 had been accepted in the nearest wintering quarters. [He said] that the opportunity of debating [it] was short. [He said] that he thought that Caesar set out into Italy; [and that] otherwise the Carnutes would not have taken up the plan of killing Tasgetius, and nor would the Eburones be about to come to the camps with such great contempt of us. [He said] that [he] regarded not the enemy author, but the thing [itself]: [he said] that the Rhine was close; the death of Ariovistus and our previous victories were a great pain for the Germans; reduced Gaul burned with so many injuries received under the rule of the Roman people, with [their] previous glory of the military affair destroyed. Finally who would persuade himself with this, without certain proof, that Ambiorix had resorted to such a plan? His own opinion was safe in either part: if nothing was more serious, with no danger would they come to the nearest legion; if all Gaul were to combine with the Germans, the sole safety was placed on swiftness. Indeed what plan, of Cotta’s and of those who disagreed, has an end?37 [The plan] in which, if danger [was] not present, but certainly starvation by a long siege would need to be feared.
5.30 With this debate held into either part, because it was resisted fiercely by Cotta and the first rank [officers], “Y’all win,” said Sabinus, “if you wish thusly,” and [said] it with a clear voice, so that a great part of the soldiers heard: “I am no he,” he said, “out of our men who most seriously is terrified by the danger of death: these [soldiers] will be wise; if something more serious happened, they will demand a reckoning from you, and they, should it be allowed through you, they, joined with the nearest winter quarters on the following day, will bear out the shared calamity of war with the remaining [soldiers], [and] nor would [they] perish either from fear or hunger, rejected and abandoned longe from the rest.”
5.31 It is arisen from the council; [the soldiers] seize both and beg them to not lead the affair into the greatest danger by their own dissension and stubbornness: [they say] that the thing is easy, whether they should remain, or whether they should set out, if only they should feel and agree on one [plan]; on the other hand, in dissension they saw no safety. The affair is dragged into the middle of the night by the dispute. Finally Cotta gives [his] hands thoroughly moved: the opinion of Sabinus wins. It is proclaimed that they set out at first light. The remaining part of the night is consumed by wakefulnesses, because each soldier inspected [his] own things, what he would be able to carry with himself, what he would be forced to leave behind out of the toolkit of the winter quarters. Everything is thought out, why should they not stay without danger, and the danger would be augmented by the tiredness of the soldiers and by wakefulnesses. Thus, at first light, they set out from the camps with the longest column and with the greatest impediments, as [those] for whom the idea given was persuaded, not by an enemy, but the by the most friendly guy Ambiorix.
5.32 But the enemies, after they sensed about their departure from the nocturnal uproar and wakefulnesses, with ambushes placed in two parts in the woods in an opportune and hidden location, they awaited the arrival of the Romans from around two miles, and when the greater part of the column sent themselves down into the large valley, they suddenly show themselves from each part of that valley and began to oppress the newest [soldiers] and to prohibit the first [soldiers] from climbing up, and to join battle in the most inopportune place for our [men].
5.33 Then finally Sabinus, who had provided nothing before [this], [began] to shake (with fear) and to run about and to distribute the cohorts, however [he does] these things themselves timidly and as everything seemed to fail him; which was accustomed to happen to them very often, who is compelled to seize the idea in the business itself. But Cotta, who had considered that these [things] were able to happen on the journey and on that account had not been the author of the departure, failed in no thing of shared safety, and he excelled the [duty] of the commander in calling and encouraging the soldiers, and the duty of a soldier in battle. When, because of the length of the column, they less easily [were able] to attend to everything through themselves and to provide [that] which must be done in each location, they order [the officers] to announce that they abandon [their] impediments and take position into a ring. And even if the idea must not be criticized in such an accident, nevertheless it transpired inconveniently: for it both diminished the hope for our soldiers and rendered the enemies more eager towards battle, because it seemed [to be] done not without the greatest fear and desperation. Meanwhile that which was necessary to happen transpired, that soldiers everywhere departed from the standards, [that each] was hastening to seek and seize from [his] impediments those most precious things of theirs which each had, [and that] everything was filled with shouting and lamentation.
5.34 But the plan did not fail for the barbarians. For their leaders ordered [officers] to announce along the whole battle line, lest anyone depart from [their] place: the plunder was theirs and for them whatever things the Romans had abandoned were reserved: therefore they estimate that everything [was] positioned in victory. They were equals in both the strength and devotion of fighting; our men, although they were being deserted by [their] leader and by fortune, nevertheless they were placing all hope of safety in [their] strength, and as often as each cohort had charged, from that part a great number of enemies died. And with which thing noticed, Ambiorix orders [it] to be announced that they hurl weapons from far off, [that they] and not approach nearer, and [that they] retreat [from] the part into which the Romans made an attack (because of the lightness of arms and daily training nothing was able to be harmed for them), [and that they] again pursue themselves, recovering towards the standards.
5.35 And with which command obeyed by them the most diligently, when any cohort had withdrawn from the ring and made an attack, the enemies retreated the most rapidly. Meanwhile it was necessary that that part be exposed and that weapons be taken in from [their] open flank. When they had begun to turn back again into that location from which they had exited, they were surrounded by both those who had drawn back and by those who had stood nearest; but however were they wishing to hold the position, neither was a place left for valor, nor were the thick [soldiers] able to avoid the weapons thrown from such a great multitude. However having been distressed so much by disasters, with many wounds received, they resisted and with a great part of the day consumed, when it was fought from the first light to the eighth hour, they did nothing which was disgraceful to them. Then for Titus Blaventius, who had led the first century during the previous year, a brave man and of great authority, each thigh is pierced by a javelin; Quintus Lucanius, of the same rank, fighting the most bravely, while he helped [his] son having been surrounded, is killed; the legate Lucius Cotta, encouraging all the cohorts and ranks, is wounded by a slingshot directly in the face.
5.36 Having been moved by these things, Quintus Titurius Sabinus, when he had caught sight of Ambiorix far off animating his own [men], he sent his own interpreter Gnaeus Pompeius to him in order to ask that he spare himself and [his] soldiers. He, having been called, responded: if he should want to speak with himself, it was allowed; he hoped that that which pertains to the health of the soldiers was able to be obtained from the multitude; for [Sabinus] himself, truly nothing will be harmed, and into that thing he pledged his own faith. When he imparted [this] to wounded Cotta, that if it seemed [favorable], they withdraw from battle and speak with Ambiorix together: that he hoped from this to be able to obtain about his own [safety] and the safety of [his] soldiers. Cotta denied that he would go to an armed enemy, and in this he persevered.
5.37 Sabinus orders the tribunes of the soldiers and the centurions of the first ranks whom he had around himself in presence to follow himself and, when he had approached Ambiorix nearer, having been ordered to thrown down arms, did [that which was] commanded and orders his own [men] that they do the same. Meanwhile, while they carry on among themselves about the agreements, and a rather long conversation is prepared by Ambiorix with a decree, by degrees the surrounded [Sabinus] is killed. Then indeed in their own custom they proclaim victory and raise a howl and with an attack made against our [men], they disturb the ranks. There, Lucius Cotta is killed fighting [along] with the greatest part of the soldiers. The remaining ones recover themselves into the camps from which they departed. Out of whom the standard-bearer Lucius Petrosidius, when he was being pressed by a great multitude of enemies, cast the eagle within the wall; he himself, fighting the most bravely in front of the camps, is killed. They bear the assault into the night sickly; at night, with [their] health desperate, they all kill themselves to one [man]. A few, having slipped away from the battle, arrive with uncertain journeys through the forests towards the legate Titus Labienus into [his] winter quarters and make him more certain about the things done.
5.38 Elated by this victory, Ambiorix immediately sets out with the calvary against the Aduatuci, who were bordering with his kingdom; he neglects neither night nor day and orders the infantry to follow. With the affair explained and with the Aduataci incited, he arrived against the Nervios on the next day and exhorts [them] to not let pass an opportunity of freeing themselves into eternity and of taking vengeance on the Romans for these injuries which they accepted: he declares two legates were killed, and that a great part of the army perished; [he says that] there was nothing of concern that the oppressed legion, which winters with Cicero, is suddenly killed; he offers himself as the assistant to that task. With this speech, he easily persuades the Nervii.
5.39 And thus, with the messengers sent off at once to the Ceutrones, the Grudii, the Levaci, the Pleumoxii, and the Geidumni, who are all under their command, they gather the greatest possible bands they can and unexpectedly rush towards the winter quarters of Cicero, with the report about the death of Titurius not yet conveyed to him. To him, that which was necessary happened— that some soldiers, who had departed into the forests with the reason of wood-gathering and fortifications, were intercepted by the sudden arrival of the horsemen. With them surrounded by a great band, the Eburones, the Nervii, the Aduatuci, and all of their allies and vassals began to attack the legion. Our [men] quickly rush to arms, [and] mount the rampart. This day was sustained with difficulty, because the enemies were placing all hope into [their] speed, and they were confident that [should] they gain this victory, they would be victorious into perpetuity.
5.40 Immediately letters are sent by Cicero to Caesar, with great rewards put forth if they should have delivered [them]: with all roads obstructed, the [letters] sent are intercepted. At night, from the material which they had collected for the reason of fortification, fully 120 towers are constructed with incredible speed; those [things] which seemed to be lacking to the work are finished. On the following day, the enemies attack the camps with much larger [forces] gathered, [and] they fill the ditch. With the same manner with which it [was resisted] on the day before, it is resisted by our [men]. This same [thing] is done successfully on the remaining days. No part of the night time is neglected towards labor; the opportunity of quiet is given not to the sick, and not to the wounded. Whatever things are necessary towards the assault of the nearest day; many stakes are burnt, a great number of wall spears38 is constructed; the towers are built up, the feathers and armors are woven from wickerwork. Cicero himself, although he was with most tenuous health, was not even leaving night time to quiet for himself, that moreover he was compelled by the gathering and the voices of [his] soldiers to spare himself.
5.41 Then the leaders and chiefs of the Nervii, who had another approach of conversation and reason of friendship with Cicero, say that they wish to speak. With that possibility granted, they mention the same [things] which Ambiorix had done with Sabinus: that all Gaul is in arms; that the Germans have crossed the Rhine; and that the winter quarters of Caesar and of the remaining [soldiers] are being attacked. They add even about the death of Sabinus: they show Ambiorix with the reason of making a pledge. They say that they are mistaken if they were to hope for any help from them, who are despairing in their own matters; however they are of this mind towards Cicero and the Roman population, that they object to nothing except the winter quarters, and [that they] do not want this custom to become established: [they say] that it is allowed for them to depart, unharmed, through themselves from the winter quarters, and [that it is allowed for them] to set out without fear into whatever parts they want. Cicero responds to these [things] in one way: the custom of the Roman people was not to accept a condition from an armed enemy: if they should wish to lay down from arms, they would use themselves as an assistant, and [they] would send legates to Caesar; [they say that] they hope that [the Nervii] will persuade on behalf of the justice of him (Caesar), which they sought.
5.42 Having been driven back from this hope, the Nervii surround the winter quarters with a wall of 9 feet and with a ditch of 15 feet. They both had learned these [things] from our [men] with the customs of the previous years, and [they] were taught by those whom they held as captives secretly from the army; but with no supplies of iron tools which were suitable to this use, they were seen to cut around the turf with swords, [and] to drain out the ground with hands and military cloaks. And from this thing indeed it was able to be learned about the multitude of the men: for within less than three hours, they finished a fortification of 15 miles in circumference, and with the remaining days they began to make and prepare turrets towards the height of the rampart, hooks and testudos, which the same captives had taught.
5.43 On the seventh day of fighting, with the greatest wind having arisen, they began to throw red-hot slugs from molten clay and heated spears from slings into the huts, which on account of the Gallic custom were covered with straws. These quickly caught fire, and the wind, because of [their] magnitude, scattered [the fire] into every location of the camps. The enemies, with a great clamor as if with victory now obtained and secured, began to drive the towers and testudos and ascend the rampart with ladders. But there was such great virtue of the soldiers and such presence of mind, that, although on all sides they were scorched by flame, and they were pressed by the greatest multitude of weapons, and they understood that all their own luggage and all fortunes burned, not only did nobody descend from the rampart for the cause of deserting, but nearly not any person indeed did look back, and all [men] fought most bravely and sharply. This day was by far the most serious for our [men]; but however it had this consequence, that the greatest number of enemies were wounded and killed on this day, as they had crowded themselves under that wall, and last ones were not giving a retreat to the first ones. Indeed with the flame having been paused slightly, and with the turrets thrust in a certain location and touching the wall, the centurions of the third cohort retired from that location which they were standing and removed all their own [men], and began to call the enemies, with a nod and with voices, if they wished to enter; of which, nobody dared to advance. Then, they were driven off with stones hurled from every part, and the tower was burnt.
5.44 There win in that legion the bravest men, centurions, who were approaching the first ranks, Titus Pullo and Lucius Vorenus. They were having eternal controversies among themselves, who would be preferred, and on all years they contended for the positions with the greatest jealousy. From them Pullo, when it was fought most sharply at the fortifications, “why do you hesitate,” he said, “Vorenus? Or what opportunity of proving your virtue do you expect? This day will judge about our controversies.” When he had said these, he proceeds outside the fortifications and bursts into the part of the enemies which seemed to be most dense. And indeed, nor did Vorenus contain himself then within the wall, but he, fearing the judgement of all the [men], follows. With an average space left, Pullo directs [his] javelin into the enemies and pierced a running one out of the multitude; and with which [soldier] struck and unconscious, they protect this [one] with shields, together they throw weapons into [their] enemy (Pullo) and do not give an opportunity of retreating. The shield for Pullo is pierced and a spear is stuck in [his] sword-belt. This misfortune turns [his] sheath and delays [the] right hand for [the one] trying to draw [his] sword, and the enemies surround the impeded [Pullo]. The rival Vorenus runs to help him, and aided the laboring one. The whole multitude immediately turns itself to this [man] away from Pullo: they judge that he (Pullo) was killed by the spear. Vorenus carries on the fight with a sword hand-to-hand, and with one killed, drives back the rest slightly; while he presses on more eagerly, he, having been cast down into the lower place, falls down. To him having been surrounded, Pullo in turn brings help, and with a great many [men] killed, both [men] uninjured receive themselves within the fortifications with the greatest praise. Thus fortune turns to both in battle and [in] contest, such that one rival was of help and safety for the other, and nor was it able to be decided which [of the two] seemed to be preferred over the other with respect to virtue.
5.45 By as much more serious and more violent the assault was day by day, and because with the greatest part of soldiers finished off by wounds, the situation had arrived to a paucity of defenders, by the same degree more frequent were letters and messages being sent to Caesar; of which, a part, having been captured in the sight of our soldiers, was killed with torture. Within, there was one Nervian, Vertico by name, born from an honest standing, who had taken refuge the first siege to Cicero, and he had exhibited his own faith to him. He persuades the slave with the home of freedom and great rewards, that he bring back the letters to Caesar. He brings out the these [letters] bound into a javelin, and the Gaul among the Gauls, having been dealt with without any suspicion, came to Caesar. From him it is learned about the dangers of Cicero and [his] legion.
5.46 Caesar, with the letters received around the 11th our of the day, immediately sends a messenger into the Bellovaci to the quaestor Marcus Crassus, whose winter quarters were absent from him by 25 miles; he orders the legion to set out in the middle of the night and to come to him quickly. Crassus departs with the messenger. [Caesar] sends another [messenger] to the legate Gaius Fabius, so that he should lead a legion to the borders of the Atrebatians, at which [place] he knew that the journey was to be made by him. He writes to Labienus, if he were able to make for the advantage for the state, [he] should come with a legion to the borders of the Nervii. He does not think that the remaining part of the army was to be expected, because they were slightly further [away]; he collects around four hundred horsemen from the nearest winter camps.
5.47 On around the third hour, having been made more certain from the forerunners about the arrival of Crassus, he proceeds on that day 20 miles. He puts Crassus in command of Samarobriva, and he assigned a legion, because there the he had abandoned the impediments of the army, the hostages of the citizens, the public letters, and all the grain, which he had carried for that reason of enduring winter. Fabius, as he had been commanded, thus having not delayed much, meets with the legion in the journey. Labienus, with the slaughter of Sabinus and the murder of the cohorts known, when all the supplies of the Treveri had come to him, fearing that, if he had made a departure similar to flight from the winter camps, he would not be able to bear an attack of the enemies, especially [those] whom he knew were carried away by the recent victory, sends back to Caesar letters with how much danger he would lead the legion out of the winter camps; He reports the matter having been done among the Eburones; he informs [him] that all the troops of the calvalry and the infantry of the Treveri had taken position three miles away from his own camps.
5.48 Caesar, with his idea considered, even if disappointed by the expectation of three legions, returns to two, however he was placing the one help of shared safety in speed. He came into the borders of Nervii with great journeys (forced marches). There he learned from the captives what things were being done among Cicero, and in how much danger the situation was. Then he persuades a certain person from the Gallic calvary-men, with great rewards to bear a letter to Cicero. He sends this [letter], written with Greek letters, so that our plans would not be learned by the enemy with the letter intercepted. If he should not be able to approach, he advises [him] that he hurl a spear with the letter fastened to the strap into the fortification of the camps. In the letters he writes that he, having set out quickly with the legions, was about to be present; he exhorts [him] that he retain [his] former virtue. The Gaul, fearing the danger, as he had been commanded, sends the spear. This sticks to the tower by chance, and not noticed by our [men] for two days, on the third day it is spotted by a certain soldiers, [and] having been removed, it is brought to Cicero. That man reads out the [letter] having been read through in an assembly of soldiers, and he inspires all [men] with the greatest happiness. Then, smokes of fires were seen far off; and which thing expelled all doubt of the arrival of the legions.
Latin
- Lugete, O Veneres Cupidinesque,
- et quantum est hominum venustiorum.
- Passer mortuus est meae puellae,
- passer deliciae meae puellae,
- quem plus illa oculis suis amabat;
- nam mellitus erat suamque norat
- ipsum tam bene quam puella matrem;
- nec sese a gremio illius movebat,
- sed circumsiliens modo huc modo illuc
- ad solam dominam usque pipiabat.
- Qui nunc it per iter tenebriscosum
- illuc unde negant redire quemquam.
- At vobis male sit, malae tenebrae
- Orci, quae omnia bella devoratis;
- tam bellum mihi passerem abstulistis.
- O factum male! O miselle passer!
- Tua nunc opera meae puellae
- flendo turgiduli rubent ocelli.
Translation
Marcus Cicero, sub adventu triumvirorum, cesserat urbe, pro certo habens, id quod erat, non magis Antonio eripi se, quam Caesari Cassium et Brutum posse. Primo in Tusculanum fugit; inde transversis itineribus in Formianum, ab Cajeta navem conscensurus, proficiscitur. Unde aliquotiens in altum provectum cum modo venti adversi rettulissent, modo ipse jactationem navis, caeco volvente fluctu, pati non posset, taedium tandem eum et fugae et vitae cepit, regressusque ad superiorem villam, quae paulo plus mille
Translation
Marcus Cicero, before the advent of the (2nd) triumvirs, had proceeded from the city, thinking [it] for certain, that which was, that he himself would not be snatched from Antony more than Cassius and Brutus would be able [to be snatched] from Caesar.First he fled into Tusculum; then on cross-country roads into Formia, about to embark a ship from Cajeta, he sets out. From there, several times when hostile winds had brought [him] having set out into the deep [ocean] back, he was not able to bear the tossing of the ship,…, at last boredom of both escape and life took him, and having returned to the higher house, which is away from the sea slightly more than a thousand paces (1 mile): “Let me die,” he said. “In the fatherland having by saved by me often.” It is agreed enough that the slaves had been faithfully and bravely prepared to fight; that he had ordered that the litter be put down, and that the quiet [slaves] carry [him] which asdfasd.f… The head was cut off for the one leaning forward from the litter and quietly offering his neck. Nor was that enough for the unfeeling cruelty of the soldiers: they cut off his sands also, reproaching that they had written something against Antony. Thus the head was carried back to Antony, and with his order [the head] was placed between the two hands in the Rostra, where he as consul, where often as proconsul, where that very year he [spoke] against Antony, as no human voice ever [had spoken], when he had been heard because of admiration of eloquence. Scarcely were the men lifting [their] eyes able to look on his cut off limbs before tears. He lived for 63 years, so that if [his] strength had been absent, so that death is not possible indeed to seem immature.
Hannibalem Coelius scribit, cum columnam auream, quae
Coelius writes that Hannibal, when he wished to steal a golden column, which was in the temple of Juno in Lacinia, and doubted whether it was solid or non-gold outside, bore into it, and when he had found it was solid, decided to steal it.
If [protasis]…, then [apodosis]
| Simple | Hypothetical | |
|---|---|---|
| Present | Present Indicative Simple Present If a, then b | Imperfect Subjunctive Present Contrary to Fact If x were y, then w would z |
| Past | Perfect or Imperfect Indicative Simple Past | Pluperfect Subjunctive Past Contrary to Fact |
| Future | Future Indicative - (Protasis may be Future Perfect) Future More Vivid [NB] English uses false present | Present Subjunctive Future Less Vivid (“Foggy Future”) were to .. would, should .. would |
Verbs of remembering/forgetting take the objective genitive
Sequence of tenses
| Time Before & Same Time | Time After | |
|---|---|---|
| Past: Perfect, pluperfect, imperfect | Imperfect | Pluperfect |
| Present: Future, Future perfect, present | Present | Perfect |
Independent Subjunctive
Gerunds
| Sing | |
|---|---|
| Nom | -um |
| Gen | -i |
| Abl | -o |
| Acc | -um |
| Dat | -o |
ellipsis: Omission of a word
chaismus: ABBA word order
~~systole & diastole: ~~
Metonymy: One word to stand in for another one: Bacchus for wine, roof for house
synecdoche: Use parts (subset) to stand in for a whole (roofs for houses, ora for Icarus)
enjambment: 1 word carries over
Nam castum esse decet pium poetam ipsum; versiculos nihil necesse est
aposiopesis: “quos ego—”: Breaking off a thought and leaving rest implied
pathetic fallacy: human emotion assigned to inanimate objects
transferred epithet: Adjective describes something different logically than grammatically: “Sleepy night”
apostrophe: Addressing 3rd party, someone/something that may not be present
tmesis: Cutting something up and inserting something between: “Abso-fricking-lutely”
hendiadys: Elements modifying e/o joined /w conjunction: “dangers and wars” => “dangers of wars”
Misc Grammar
After si, nisi, num, and ne, all the alis fly away
I-Stem
3rd Declension: nominative ends with -is or -es & genitive has same number of syllables Neuter nouns ending with -al, -ar or
Use of dum
Greek Middle Voice
Accusative of respect
Supines
Fearing Clause
Ut/Ne reversed for verbs of fearing
Poetry
qu = kw
Liquid - Don’t necessarily elongate
pl, bl, br, tr, pr
Once, a country mouse was brought to receive a city mouse in a poor cave, the aged host, rough and attentive to supplies, [received] the aged friend, although he relaxed his frugal spirit for friendships. Why [say] much? And he neither begrudged [him] of the chickpea selected nor of the long oat, and carrying it in his mouth, he gave dry grape seed and half-eaten morsels of lard, wanting to conquer with a varied dinner the disgusts of the one hardly touching things one by one with haughty tooth, while the father of the house himself, stretched out on the fresh hay, ate the spelt and darnel, giving up the better things of a banquet. Finally the city mouse said to him “friend, what pleases you to live here in the back, suffering from the rough woodland? Why don’t you put humans and cities in front of forests and savages? Seize the way, trust me, comrade, because earthly things allot souls to mortals, nor is there any escape from death either in full or in part: therefore, good one, while it is allowed, live blessed in happy things, live mindful of how you are of a short life.”
… When these words
propelled forth the peasant, he leapt free from [his] house; then
both completed the proposed journey, and faring well,
they crept under the walls of the nocturnal city. And now
the night held the middle space of the sky, when each placed
footprints in the opulent house, where garments dyed
Therefore when he placed the stretched-out peasant in purple garment,
just like a short-jacketed waiter the host scurried about
and continued the feast lest he not fulfill those duties39
in a slave-like fashion, pre-licking everything that he brought forth.
Reclining, he rejoiced because of changed fortune and
acts as a happy guest because of the good things, when suddenly
a huge clamor of the doors shook off both from the couch.
Terrified they ran through the entire room, and greatly
breathless they trembled, likewise the tall house rung out
with Molossian dogs. Then the country mouse said: “Hardly
is life here beneficial to me. Goodbye: the forest and cave,
safe from attacks, will console me with thin vetch.”
3.100-108 3.232-248 3.268-277
It is a comedic nation. You laugh, and he is struck by
a greater laughter; he cries, if he sees the tears of a friend,
as he doesn’t hurt; if you demand a little fire at this time of winter,
he takes a cloak; if you said “I am boiling,” he sweats.
Thus we are not equals: the greater one is he who
is able to select all the hostile night and day the face
from a face, prepared to throw up hands and praise,
if he be a country bumpkin well, if a friend pisses proper,
if the gold piss-pan gives a groan with the foundation turned upside down.
Many sick men are killed by remaining awake here (but
food unfinished and sticking to a burning stomach produces
that feebleness); for what of sleep do lodgings allow?
With great power it is slept in the city.
Then it is the head of sickness. The journey of the wagon
in the narrow bend of the village and the noises of standing cattle
snatch away sleep for Drusus and the sea-cows (seals?).
If duty calls, with the crowd yielding the rich man will be carried
and will run over the Liburnan shores with a huge one(??)
and on the way he will read or write or sleep inside;
for the litter produces sleep with closed window.
Yet before he will come: the wave hinders us hurrying
in front, and in a large column the crowd which follows
oppresses the loins; this man strikes with his elbow, another strikes with a
hard pole, but this one strikes against my head a tree trunk, another a
liquid measure. Legs fertile with dirt, I am soon trampled from all sides
by a great heel, and a soldier’s spike sticks in the toe for me.
Now look at the other and diverse dangers of the night:
What distance is there from lofty roofs, from where a clay shard
will hit your head, how many vases, cracked and cut short,
should fall from windows, with how great a weight do they mark
a strike and hit the pebbles. You should be able to be considered lazy
and thoughtless of sudden death, if you should go to dinner
without a will: I approach such fates, how many windows lie open
that night, watchful for you going by.
Thus you should choose and bring a miserable vow with yourself,
that they are content to empty their open basins.
… Nor was the slave further chasing after those which had touched the ground, but he had a full back and was supplying for those playing. And now we observe these strange things. For two eunuchs were standing in a different part of the circle, of which one was holding a silver chamber-pot, and the other was counting balls, indeed not those balls which the men shook between their hands in a driving game, but those which had fallen onto the ground. Therefore as we admired these luxuries, Menelaus ran up and said “He is the one at whose house you will place an elbow, and indeed you will now see the beginning of the dinner.” Menelaus spoke no longer as Trimalchio snapped his fingers, at which signal the eunuch placed the chamber pot under the playing man. With his bladder unloaded, he demanded water for his hands, and he wiped his fingers, having been sprinkled, in the hair of a boy.
It was a long time to pick up the single balls. Therefore we entered the bath, and at this moment of time, having been made hot by sweat, we exited to the cold room. Now Trimalchio, soaked with perfume, was wiped clean not with napkins but with cloaks made from the softest wool. Meanwhile three masseurs were drinking Falernum in his sight, and when they, quarrelling, had poured out too much, Trimalchio declared that they had drank to his own health with this. Hence, having been wrapped in a scarlet cloak, he was placed on the litter, with four medalled runners preceding him and a hand-drawn cart, in which his favorites were carried, a poor old boy, bleary-eyed, uglier than his master Trimalchio. Therefore as he was carried away, a musician with the smallest flutes approached towards his head and just as if he were whispering something in secret into the wind, he sang for the entire journey. We followed, now filled with admiration, and we arrived to the door with Agamemnon, in whose post there was a little notice fixed with this inscription: “Whatever slave should exit the doors without the order of the master, receives 100 strikes.” However in that entrance itself stood a doorman wearing leek-green, wrapped up in a cherry-color belt, and he was cleaning the pea in the silver platter. But above the threshold hung a golden cage, in which a spotted magpie greeted those entering.
… Moreover a slave market had been pictured with a notice, and long-haired Trimalchio himself was holding the herald’s staff, and with Minerva leading he was entering Rome. Thence the careful painter had diligently rendered everything with an inscription: how Trimalchio had learned to keep accounts, and finally was made an accountant. Now indeed in the portico giving out, Mercury grabbed him on the chin into a lofty raised platform. Fortune was ready with an overflowing plentiful horn, and so were three Fates twisting golden wool threads. I even noticed a group of runners in the portico, exercising themselves with their master. Besides, I saw a huge chest in the corner, in whose shrine the silver Lares had been placed, and there was a marble statue of Venus and a small box— golden, and not very small— in which they say his beard had been stored up. Thus I began to ask the house-manager what paintings they had in the middle. “[We have] the Illiad and the Odyssey,” he said. “and Laenas’s gladiator show.” It was not allowed for me to consider the details of the paintings…
We now had arrived at the dining room, in the first part of which the overseer took accounts. And as for that which I especially admired, in the doorposts of the dining room the fasces had been fastened with axes, one part of which he ended as if it were the bronze bow of a ship, on which it was written: “I, Cinnamus, am given to Gaius Pompeius Trimalchio, an Augustan sevir.” Under that same title, both a two-lighted lamp hung about the vaulted ceiling, and two tablets were fixed on each post, of which one, if I remember well, had this inscription: “On the third day and on the day before the Kalends of January, our Gaius dines outdoors,” the other of which had the course of the moon and seven painted images of the stars; and the days which are lucky and those which are unfavorable were noted on a separate knob. … But as we moved our right step together, a slave, having been stripped, fell prostrate at the feet for us and began to ask that we save him from punishment: he said that his sin was not great, because of which he was in peril; for the clothes of the treasurer had been stolen from him in the bath, which was hardly worth ten sesterii. Therefore we took back our right feet, and we begged to the accountant counting gold in the atrium that he take back the punishment from the slave. Haughty, he lifted his face and “The loss does not move me” he said “as much as the carelessness of the most useless slave. He ruined my dinner clothes, which a certain client had gifted to me for my birthday, Tyrian no doubt, but already washed once. Why is that then? I give him to you.”
Having been obliged with such a great service, when we entered the dining room, the same slave himself ran up to us, for whom we had asked, and planted the thickest kisses on those standing agape, thanking us for our kindness. “You will know in short,” he said, “to whom you gave kindness. The favor of a waiter is the master’s wine.” Therefore finally we reclined with Alexandrian boys pouring water cooled with snow into our hands, and with others following at our feet and lifting toenails with great care. And not even were they silent in this so annoying task, but they sang in passing. I wanted to find out if the whole family would sing, and so I demanded a drink. The boy at the ready welcomed me with a not less bitter song, and whoever had been asked to give something. You would believe that this was the chorus of a pantomime, not the dining room of the paterfamilias. The appetizer was carried in, having been washed thoroughly; for now everyone had reclined, except Trimalchio himself, for whom the for place was saved according to a strange custom. But a Corinthian bronze donkey had been placed on the appetizer tray with a pair of saddle-bags, which had in one part white olives, in another black. Two platters covered the ass, on the border of which the name of Trimalchio and the weight of the silver was written. Even little bridges having been glued up held the dormice scattered with honey and poppy-seed. There were both sizzling sausages placed above the silver grill, and below the grill there were Syrian prunes with seeds of Punic pomegranate.
Trimalchio said “Freinds, even slaves are humans and equally, they drank the same milk (lactem = lac), even if evil fate (malum fatum) will have oppressed them. However, with me living, soon they will taste the free water. Ultimately (to the highest point), I free all of them from my hand (command) in my will. And for this reason I publicize everything, so that my family may love me now already thusly just as if [I were] dead.”
All began to give thanks to the kindness of the master, when he, forgetful of trifles (getting down to business), ordered a copy of the will to be brought forth and recited the whole from beginning to end with the family groaning. Finally looking back at Habinnas, “What do you say,” he said. “my dearest friend? Have you built my tomb, as I ordered you? I ask you urgently, that the besides the feet of my statue, you paint a puppy and wreaths and oils and all the battles of Petraites (gladiator), so that it happens for me to live after death on account of your kindness; besides, [i ask] that there be 100 feet in width, and 200 feet in depth. For I want [it to be that] every type (of) fruit tree be around my ashes, and in abundance of grape vines. For it is very wrong indeed that there be cultivated homes for the living and that they (the homes) are not cared for. And for this reason before everything I wish to be added: ‘Let this monument not follow the heir‘“
“I ask you that you even make in my tomb ships going with full sails, and me sitting in the tribunal (platform) wearing the toga praetexta with five golden rings and pouring out money in public from a little sack; for you know that I gave a feast at two denarios each. Let it be made, if it seems to you, even a dining room. You should even make the entire population making sweetly to themselves. At my right, you should put a statue of my Fortunata holding a dove, and she leads a puppy bound by a leash, and my little pet (slave?), and copious gypsum-covered jars, lest they spill wine. It is even allowed that you sculpt a broken urn, and above that a crying boy. [You may place] a sundail in the middle, so that whoever will inspect the hours, whether he wants to or not, may read my name.
“Also see carefully if this inscription seems suitable enough to you: Gaius Pompeius Trimalchio Maecenatianus rests here. For him, absent, the office of sevir was assigned. Although he was able to be in all boards of Rome, nevertheless he refused. Pious (devoted, holy, devout, respectful, good), firm (strong, brave, courageous, mighty, vigorous, steadfast, powerful), and devoted (reliable, constant), he grew from little, he gave up 30 million sisterces, and he did not ever hear a philosopher. Goodbye. ‘And you’” As he said this, Trimalchio began to cry abundantly. Even Fortunata was crying, and Habinas was crying, and finally the entire family, just as if [they were] asked in a funeral, filled the dining room with lamentations.
“But as I had begun to say, my frugality guided me towards this fortune. I came from Asia as big as this lampstand is. Ultimately, every day I was accustomed to be measured against it, and so that I might rather quickly have a bearded chin, I smeared my lips about the lamp. Moreover, just as the gods wish, I was made master in the house, and behold! I took the brain of the man himself. Why [say] many things? He made me coheir with Caesar, and I accepted a broad-striped (fit for a senator) inheritance. However, nothing is enough for nobody. I longed to go into business. Lest I delay y’all with many [words], I built five ships, I loaded wime— and besides, it was equal to it’s weight in gold— and i sent it to Rome. You would think that I had ordered it; all the ships were shipwrecked, a fact, not a story! In one day Neptune wasted 30 million sesterces. Do yall think that I faltered? No, by hercules; for me this loss was worth a tiny bit, just as if nothing happened. I made the rest bigger and better and happier, so that nobody would say that I [am] not a brave man. Y’all know, a big ship has great strength. Again I loaded wine, lard, bean, perfume, and slave. At this point Fortunata did a devout thing; for she sold all her gold, all [her] clothes, and for me she put 100 aureos in hand. This was the leavening of my savings. Soon it happened, because the gods wished it. In one journey I rounded off 10 million sesterces. At once I bought back all the farms which had been my patron’s. I build a house, I buy up slaves and mules; whatever I touched, grew just like honey.”
For him the god, rejoicing on account of the guardian recovered, gave the choice, pleasing but useless, of a gift to be chosen. He, about to use the gifts badly, said ‘make it that, whatever i will have touched with [my] body, should turn into yellow gold.’ Liber (bacchus) nodded to the wishes and granted the gifts about to harm, and felt sorry, because he had not sought better [things]. The happy Berecynthian hero leaves and rejoices on account of the evil [wish], and tests the fidelity of the promise by touching several [things], and hardly trusting himself, he drew down a green branch from a not-tall holm-oak: The branch was made gold; from the ground he takes a rock: the rock also grew yellow with gold; and he touches a lump of earth: the lump becomes a nugget because of the powerful touch; he plucked the dry ears (grain) of Ceres: the harvest was gold; he holds a fruit taken from the tree: You would think that the Hesperides had given it; if he moved his fingers to high doorposts, the posts seemed to shine; Even when he had washed his hands with clear waves, the wave flowing from his hands was able to mock Danaen; He himself only just catches his own hope in his mind, imagining everything as gold. The rejoicing servants placed the tables piled up with banquets lest [they be] lacking of tosted grain (bread).
-ero = future perfect -erim = subjunctive perfect
Latin pg. 263
- Huic deus optandi gratum, sed inutile, fecit
- muneris arbitrium gaudens altore recepto40
- Ille male usurus donis ait ‘effice, quicquid
- corpore contigero, fulvum vertatur in aurum.’
- Annuit optatis nocituraque munera solvit
- Liber et indoluit, quod non meliora petisset.41
- Laetus abit gaudetque malo Berecynthius heros
- pollicitique fidem tangendo singula temptat
- vixque sibi credens, non alta fronde virentem
- ilice detraxit virgam: virga aurea facta est;
- tollit humo saxum: saxum quoque palluit auro;
- contingit et glaebam: contactu glaeba potenti
- massa fit; arentes Cereris decerpsit aristas:
- aurea messis erat; demptum tenet arbore pomum:
- Hesperidas donasse putes; si postibus altis
- admovit digitos, postes radiare videntur;
- ille etiam liquidis
palmis==palmas== ubi laverat undis,- unda fluens palmis Danaen eludere posset;
- vix spex ipse suas animo capit, aurea fingens
- omnia. Gaudenti mensas posuere42 ministri
- exstructas dapibus nec tostae frugis egentes.
Ovid Metamorphoses XI.100-120
Translation and notes
The god, rejoicing on account of guardian (being) reclaimed40, made for him a choice, pleasing but useless, of choosing a gift (of a gift to be chosen). That man, about to use the gifts badly, said “Make it so (that), whatever I will have touched with (my) body, may be turned into yellow gold.” Bacchus nodded to the wishes and granted the gifts about to harm and felt sorry, because he (Midas) had not sought better. The happy Berecynthian hero leaves and rejoices because of the evil and tests the honesty of the promise by touching several (things), and barely trusting himself, pulled down a branch green with foliage from a not high holm-oak: the branch was made gold; he lifted from the ground a rock: the rock also grew yellow with gold; and he touched a lump of earth: with the powerful touch the earth became a nugget; he plucked drying ears (of grain) of Ceres: the harvest was gold; he holds a fruit taken from the tree: you would think that the Hesperides gave (them); if he moved (his) fingers to tall doorposts, the doorposts seem to shine. When he had washed (dirt) from his hands his hands with clear waves, the wave flowing from his palms was able to mock even Danae; He himself, imagining everything gold, only just took hold of his own hope with (his) mind. For the one rejoicing, the servants placed tables filled with feasts and not lacking of toasted grain (i.e. bread).
Latin pg. 265
- Tum vero, sive ille sua Cerealia dextra
- munera contigerat, Cerealia dona rigebant,
- sive dapes avido convellere dente parabat,
- lammina fulva dapes admoto dente premebat;
- miscuerat puris auctorem muneris undis:
- fusile per rictus aurum fluitare videres.
- Attonitus novitate mali divesque miserque
- effugere optat opes et quae modo voverat odit.
- Copia nulla famem relevat; sitis arida guttur
- urit, et inviso meritus torquetur ab auro
- ad caelumque manus et splendida bracchia tollens
- ‘da veniam, Lenaee pater! peccavimus’ inquit,
- ‘sed misere, precor, speciosoque eripe damno!’
- Mite deum43 numen: Bacchus pecasse fatentem
- restituit pactique fide data munera solvit
- ‘ne’ ve ‘male optato maneas circumlitus auro,
- vade’ ait ‘ad magnis vicinum Sardibus amnem
- perque iugum nitens labentibus obvius undis
- carpe viam, donec venias ad fluminis ortus,
- spumigeroque tuum fonti, qua plurimis exit,
- subde caput corpusque simul, simul elue crimen.’
- Rex iussae succedit aquae: vis aurea tinxit
- flumen et humano de corpore cessit in amnem;
- nunc quoque iam veteris percepto semine venae
- arva rigent auro madidis pallentia glaebis.
Translation & Notes
Then in truth, if he had touched the gifts of Ceres with (his) right (hand), the gifts of Ceres stiffened, or if he prepared to tear at the feasts with greedy tooth, a yellow film covered the feasts with the tooth having been drawn near; He had mixed the author of the gift (Bacchus = wine) with pure waves: You would see that liquid gold flowed through (his) teeth (lit. smiles). Astonished by the novelty of the evil, both rich and wretched, he chooses to escape riches and hates (those) which he had recently wished for. No abundance relieves hunger; the throat of dry thirst burns, and the deserved is tortured by jealous gold, and lifting hands and great arms to the sky, he says “Give forgiveness, Lenaeus father (‘lord of the wine press’)! We (I) have sinned, but have pity, I pray, and snatch (me) away (i.e. save) from (this) outwardly beautiful injury.” The will of gods being gentle, Bacchus restored the one confessing to have sinned and undid, with faith of the agreement, the gifts given. And (ve??) he said “Lest you remain covered with gold badly wished for, go to the river near great Sardis, and struggling along the mountain-ridge, exposed to slipping waves, pick a path, until you come to the source of the river, and submerge (give under) at the same time your hand and body in the foamy spring, and likewise wash clean the crime.” The king advanced to the ordered waters: the power tinted the river gold and fell from the human body into the river; now also today the paling lands are stiff on account of the golden seed of the ancient artery begun with the wet clods.
Latin pg. 269
- Iudicium sanctique placet sententia montis
- omnibus, arguitur tamen atque iniusta vocatur
- unius sermone Midae; nec Delius aures
- humanam stolidas patitur retinere figuram,
- sed trahit in spatium villisque albentibus implet
- instabilesque imas facit et dat posse moveri:
- cetera sunt hominis, partem damnatur in unam
- induiturque aures lente gradientis aselli.
- Ille quidem celare cupit turpique pudore
- tempora purpureis temptat relevare tiaris;
- sed solitus longos ferro resecare capillos
- viderat hoc famulus. Qui, cum nec prodere visum
- dedecus auderet, cupiens efferre sub auras,
- nec posset reticere tamen, secedit humumque
- effodit et, domini quales aspexerit aures,
- voce refert parva terraeque immurmurat haustae
Translation
The judgement and opinion of sacred mountain (Tmolus) was pleasing for all, however it is proven and called unjust by the word of one Midas; and Delian (Apollo) did not allow the stupid ears to retain the human form, but he drags [the ears] into space (i.e. makes them long) and fills [it] with white hairs, and he makes the bottoms unstable and gives [it] so that they are able to be moved: The rest are of human, he is condemned in one part, and he put on the ears44 of a slowly walking donkey. Indeed, he wants to hide [theears], and he tries to relieve foreheads from disgraceful shame by means of purples caps; but the servant, accustomed to trim long hairs with iron, had seen this. And he, and although he did not dare to betray this shame seen, wanting to take it off under the breezes, however, he was not able keep silent, he departed to the ground and dug [it] up, and he reported back with small voice what kind of ears of the master he had seen, and to the earth dug up he murmurs, and he hides the evidence of his own voice with the earth thrown back and silent, he departed from the ditch filled in. And a thick grove with trembling reeds began to grow there and as soon as it ripened in a full year, it betrayed the planter: for, having been moved by slow south wind, it brought forth the buried words of the master and revealed the ears.
Meanwhile, Daedalus, having been hated Crete and long exile, touched by love of [his] birthplace, had been blocked by sea. “It is allowed [that] he blocks the earth and waves: But the sky certainly lies open; We will go that way: He may possess all, [but] Minos does not possess the air.” He said and sends forth his mind into unknown arts and makes nature new. For he put feathers in a row having been begun from the smallest, with the small following the long45 , so that you would think them to have been created on a slope: Thus sometimes a rustic panpipe grows little by little with uneven reeds. Then with string he binds together the middle, and with wax [he binds] the bottom, and thus he binds slightly … The boy Icarus was standing together, and, unaware that he was handling his own dangers, now, with a shining smile, he
Latin pg. 277
- Instruit et natum “medio”que “ut limite curras,
- Icare,” ait “moneo, ne, si, demissior ibus,”
Translation & Notes
He instructs the son and says “I warn [you] that you hurry in the middle path, Icarus, lest if you will go too low, the wave would weigh down the feathers, if too high, the heat will scorch: Fly between both. And I order you not to look at Boötes or the Great Bear and the drawn sword of Orion: With me as the leader, seize the way!” At the same time he hands down the rules of flying and he fits the unknown wings to the shoulders. Between the work and warnings, the old man’s cheeks became wet, and the father’s hands trembled; he gave kisses not to be repeated again to his own son, and suspended by the wings he flies in front, and he fears for the comrade, just as a winged [bird] which from a high nest leads forth the tender offspring into the air, and he urges [him] to follow and teaches the destructive arts and he himself moves his own [wings] and looks back at the wings of the son. While someone captures fish with trembling reeds, or the shpherd leaning on the stick or the plowman [leaning on] the handle saw them and was amazed, and trusted those who were able to seize the air to be gods.
Latin pg. 281
Prep Vocab audax, audacis (adj): bold aspicio, aspicere, aspexi: to look at, to observe
Translation And now Juno’s Samos was on the left side (Both Delos and Paros had been left behind), and on the right side were Lebinthos and Calymne fertile with honey (abl of specification). When the boy began to rejoice on account of bold flight and deserted the leader and, dragged by eagerness of sky, made a higher journey. The nearness of the scorching sun softens the pleasant-smelling wax, the bonds of the feathers; the waxes had disintegrated: He flaps bare arms, and lacking an oar (ablative of separation), he catches not any breezes, and the mouths, shouting the name “father,” are received by the sky-blue water, which took the name from him. But the unlucky father, and not a father now, said, “Icarus.” He said “Icarus, where are you? In what region should I seek you?” He was saying “Icarus:” he caught sight of feathers in the waves and cursed his own arts and buried the corpse in a tomb, and the land was called by the name of the buried.
Verbs of lacking: egeo, careo = take ablative of separation
Latin pg. 289 https://www.thelatinlibrary.com/petronius1.html
Trimalchio: “Amici,"" inquit, “et servi homines sunt et aeque unum ==lactem==40 biberunt, etiam si illos ==malus fatus==41 oppresserit. Tamen me salvo cito aquam liberam gustabunt. Ad summam, omnes illos in testamento meo manu mitto. Et haec ideo omnia publico, ut familia mea iam nunc sic me amet tanquam mortuum”. Gratias agere omnes indulgentiae coeperant domini, cum ille oblitus nugarum exemplar testamenti iussit afferri et totum a primo ad ultimum ingemescente familia recitavit. Respiciens deinde Habinnam: “Quid dicis, inquit, amice carissime? Aedificas monumentum meum quemadmodum te iussi? Valde te rogo, ut secundum pedes statuae meae catellam pingas et coronas et unguenta et Petraitis omnes pugnas, ut mihi contingat tuo beneficio post mortem vivere; praeterea ut sint in fronte pedes centum, in agrum pedes ducenti. Omne genus enim poma volo sint circa cineres meos, et vinearum largiter. Valde enim falsum est vivo quidem domos cultas esse, non curari eas, ubi diutius nobis habitandum est. Et ideo ante omnia adici volo: HOC MONUMENTUM HEREDEM NON SEQUATUR
Translation & Notes
Trimalchio said “Friends, even slaves are people, and equally they drank the same milk, even if hostile fate has oppressed them. However, with me living, soon they will taste the freedom-water. Ultimately (to the highest point), I send all those from my power in my will. And I publicize these things for this reason that my family may already now love me thus just as if [I was] dead.” All began to give thanks to the kindness of the master, when he, forgetful of trifles (getting down to business), ordered a copy of the will to be brought forth and recited the entirety from beginning to end with the family groaning. Finally, looking back at Habinnas, [Trimalchio] said “What do you say, O dearest friend? Have you built my monument as I ordered you? I ask you strongly, that you paint a puppy and wreaths and oils and all battles of Petraitem next to the feet of my statue, so that it may befall me to live after death because of your kindness; furthermore [I ask] that there would be 100 feet in front, 200 feet in the ==back?.== For I wish [that] every fruit-tree type be near my ashes, and ==greatly of vines.?== For it is very wrong indeed that homes are elegant for the living, and that they are not cared for where we must live (it is to be lived by us) for longer. And for this reason before everything I wish to be added: THIS MONUMENT DOES NOT FOLLOW THE HEIR”
Latin pg. 291
Te rogo, ut naves etiam monumento meo (in fronte monumenti mei) facias plenis velis euntes, et me in tribunali sedentem praetextatum cum anulis aureis quinque et nummos in publico de sacculo effundentem; scis enim, quod epulum dedi binos denarios. Faciatur, si tibi videtur, et triclinia. Facies et totum populum sibi suaviter facientem. Ad dexteram meam pones statuam Fortunatae meae columbam tenentem, et catellam cingulo alligatam ducat, et cicaronem meum, et amphoras copiosas gypsatas, ne effluant vinum. Et urnam licet fractam sculpas, et super eam puerum plorantem. [sit] Horologium in medio, ut quisquis horas inspiciet, velit nolit, nomen meum legat. Inscriptio quoque vide diligenter si haec satis idonea tibi videtur:
C. POMPEIVS TRIMALCHIO MAECENATIANVS HIC REQVIESCIT
HVIC SEVIRATVS ABSENTI DECRETVS EST
CVM POSSET IN OMNIBVS DECVRIIS ROMAE ESSE TAMEN NOLVIT
PIVS FORTIS FIDELIS EX PARVO CREVIT SESTERTIVM RELIQVIT TRECENTIES
NEC VNQVAM PHILOSOPHVM AVDIVIT
VALE
”ET TV”[LXXII] Haec ut dixit Trimalchio, flere coepit ubertim. Flebat et Fortunata, flebat et Habinnas, tota denique familia, tanquam in funus rogata, lamentatione triclinium implevit.
Translation & Notes “I even ask that you make ships going with full sails in my tomb, and [make] me wearing the toga praetexta, sitting on the tribunal, with five golden rings and pouring coins from little sack in public; for you know that I give a feast at two denarii per person. Let there be made, if it seems (good) to you, even dining rooms. And you should make the entire population making sweetly to themselves (enjoying themselves). To my right, you should put a statue of my Fortunata, holding a dove, and she may lead a puppy tied by a leash, and my little pet (favorite slave), and large wine-jars sealed with gypsum, lest they spill wine. And it is allowed that you carve a broken urn, and above it a weeping boy. Let there be a sundial in the middle, so that whoever will inspect the hours, whether he wishes or not, may read my name.” “Also see diligently if this inscription seems to you suitable enough: Gaius Pompeius Trimalchio Maecenatianus rests here. To him, the office of sevir was assigned in absence. Although he was able to be on all boards of Rome, nevertheless he refused. From small, he grew pious, strong, and loyal, he gave away 30 million sisterces, and he did not ever hear a philosopher. Goodbye. ‘And you.’ ” As Trimalchio said these, he began to cry abundantly. Even Fortunata was crying, and Habinnas was crying, finally the entire family, as if asked in the funeral, filled the dining room with laments.
Latin pg. 293
Sed ut coeperam dicere, ad hanc me fortunam frugalitas mea perduxit. “Tam magnus ex Asia veni, quam hic candelabrus est. Ad summam, quotidie me solebam ad illum metiri, et ut celerius rostrum barbatum haberem, labra de lucerna ungebam. [LXXVI] “Ceterum, quemadmodum di volunt, dominus in domo factus sum, et ecce cepi ipsimi cerebellum. Quid multa? coheredem me Caesari fecit, et accepi patrimonium laticlavium. Nemini tamen nihil satis est. Ne multis vos morer, quinque naves aedificavi, oneravi vinum — et tunc erat contra aurum — et misi Romam. Putares me hoc iussisse: omnes naves naufragarunt. Factum, non fabula. Uno die Neptunus trecenties sestertium devoravit. Putatis me defecisse? Non mehercules mi haec iactura gusti fuit, tanquam nihil facti. Alteras feci maiores et meliores et feliciores, ut nemo non me virum fortem diceret. Scitis, magna navis magnam fortitudinem habet. Oneravi rursus vinum, lardum, fabam, seplasium, mancipia. Hoc loco Fortunata rem piam fecit: omne enim aurum suum, omnia vestimenta vendidit et mi centum aureos in manu posuit. Hoc fuit peculii mei fermentum. Cito fit quod di volunt. Uno cursu centies sestertium corrotundavi. Statim redemi fundos omnes, qui patroni mei fuerant. Aedifico domum, venalicia coemo, iumenta; quicquid tangebam, crescebat tanquam favus.
Translation & Notes
“But, as I had began to say, my frugality led me to this fortune. I came from Asia as big as this lampstand is. Ultimately, I was accustomed to measuring myself against it, and I smeared [my] lips about the lamp so that more quickly I might have a bearded chin. Moreover, just as the gods want, I was made master in the house, and look, I caught the little brain of [the man] himself (the master). Why [should I say] much? He made me coheir with Caesar, and I accepted an inheritance fit for a senator. However, nothing is enough for nobody. I longed to go into business. Lest I delay y’all with many (words), I built five ships, I loaded wine— and then it was equal to [its weight in] gold— and I sent [it] to Rome. You would think that I had ordered this; all the ships were shipwrecked— fact, not fiction. In one day Neptune devoured 30 million sesterces. Do you think that I faltered? No, by Hercules, this loss was worth a tiny bit, just as if ==of nothing happened?== I made the others bigger, better, and luckier, so that nobody may say that I am not a brave man. Y’all know, a great ship has great fortune. Again I loaded wine, lard, a bean, perfume, and slaves. At this point, Fortunata did a pious thing; for she sold all her gold, all [her] clothes and placed 100 gold coins in my hand. This was the yeast (start, catalyst) of my savings. What the gods wish soon happens. In one journey, I made 10 million sesterces. At once I bought back all the farms which had been of my patron. I built a house, I bought slaves and mules; whatever I touched, grew like honeycomb. “
Latin pg. 295
“Postquam coepi plus habere, quam tota patria mea habet, manum de tabula; sustuli me de negotiatione et coepi libertos faenerare. Et sane nolentem me negotium meum agere ==exhortavit==46 mathematicus, qui venerat forte in colonium nostram, Graeculio Serapa nomine, consiliator deorum. Hic mihi dixit etiam ea, quae oblitus eram; ab acia et acu mi omnia exposuit; ==intestinas meas==45 noverat; tantum quod mihi non dixerat, quid pridie cenaveram. Putasses illum sumper mecum habitasse.
“Interim, dum Mercurius vigilat, aedificavi hanc domum. Ut scitis, casula erat; nunc templum est. Habet quattor cenationes, cubicula viginti, porticus marmoratos duos, susum cenationem, cubiculum in quo ipse dormio, viperae huius sessorium, ostiarii cellam perbonam; hospitium hospites capit. Ad summam, Scaurus, cum huc venit, nusquam maluit hospitari, et habet ad mare paternum hospitium. Et multa alia sunt, quae statim vocbis stendam. Credite mihi; assem habeas, assem valeas; habes, habeberis. Sic amicus vester, qui fuit rana, nunc est rex.”
Prep & Vocab
nusquam, adv: Nowhere
Translation & Notes
“After I began to have more than my entire fatherland has, hand from the tablet; I sustained myself from business and began to finance freedmen. And an astrologer, who had come by chance into our town, a little Greek with the name Serapa, advisor of gods encouraged me, sensibly not wanting to do my own business. He even said to me those which I had forgot; From thread and needle he explained everything to me; he had gotten to know (he knew) my intestines; the only thing which he had not said to me (was) what we had dined on yesterday. You would have thought him to have lived with me forever.
“Meanwhile, while Mercury watched over (me), I built this house. As y’all know, it was a hut; now it is a temple. It has four dining rooms, twenty bedrooms, two marble colonnades, an upstairs dining room, a bedroom in which I myself sleep, and a sitting room of this viper, a very good small room of the doorkeeper; the lodgings catches guests. [Ultimately] (to the greatest), Scaurus, when he came here, preferred to lodge nowhere (else), and he has an ancestral lodging at the sea. And many other (things) are (here), which I will show y’all at once. Trust me; Should you have an ass, you would be worth an ass; you have, and you will be considered (judged). This your friend, qui was a frog, now is a king.”
Vocab
tamquam, conj: Just as if, as cinis, cineris, masc: Ash patronus, patroni, masc: Patron vigilo, vigilare, vigilavi, vigilatus: To watch over
Latin pg. 221 Suetonius Vita Augusti LXV
Relegatae usum vini omnemque delicatiorem cultum ademit neque adiri a quoquam libero servove nisi se consulto permisit, et ita ut certior fieret, qua is aetate, qua statura, quo colore esset, etiam quibus corporis notis vel cicatricibus. Post quinquennium demum ex insula in continentem lenioribusque paulo condicionibus transtulit eam. Nam ut omnino revocaret, exorari nullo modo potuit, deprecanti saepe populo Romano et pertinacius instanti tales filias talesque coniuges pro contione inprecatus. Ex nepte Iulia post damnationem editum infantem adgnosci alique vetuit. Agrippam nihilo tractabiliorem, immo in dies amentiorem, in insulam transportavit saepsitque insuper custodia militum. Cavit etiam senatus consulto ut eodem loci in perpetuum contineretur. Atque ad omnem et eius et Iuliarum mentionem ingemiscens proclamare etiam solebat:
Αἴθ’ ὄφελον ἄγαμός τ’ ἔμεναι ἄγονός τ’ ἀπολέσθαι.
Nec aliter eos appellare quam tris vomicas ac tria carcinomata sua.
neptis, neptis, fem: granddaughter
Translation & Notes He took away the use of wine and all rather luxurious refinement from the relegated [Julia], and he did not allow [her] to be approached by any child or slave, unless with him consulted, and such that he became more certain (become informed) with what age, what stature, and what color he (the suitor) was, even with what birthmarks or scars. After a quinquennium he finally transferred her from an island into the mainland with slightly less severe conditions. For he was in no way able to be entreated to recall [her back to Rome] entirely, having called down in the public assembly [the curse of] such daughters and such spouses upon the Roman population often pleading and persisting rather insistently. He forbade the baby born from the granddaughter Julia after [her] condemnation [from] being fed or being recognized. He transported Agrippa, by no means more manageable— rather, into days (day by day) more insane—, into an island and confined [him] furthermore with the custody of soldiers. He even ordered with the decree of the senate that he be confined in the same of place forever (in perpetuum). And, groaning [Augustus] was even accustomed to proclaiming “I wish I had remained unmarried and had died without offspring” at all mention of both him (Agrippa) and the Julias, and [he was accustomed] to not calling them differently than three of his sores and three of his cancerous ulcers.
eodem loci a partitive genitive? “In the same of place”Latin
Incipit testamentum porcelli: M. Grunnius Corocotta porcellus testamentum fecit. Quoniam manu mea scribere non potui, scribendum dictavi.
Magirus cocus dixit: “veni huc, eversor domi, solivertiator, fugitive porcelle, et hodie tibi dirimo vitam”. Corocotta porcellus dixit: “si qua feci, si qua peccavi, si qua vascella pedibus meis confregi, rogo, domine cocu, vitam peto, concede roganti”. Magirus cocus dixit: “transi, puer, affer mihi de cocina cultrum, ut hunc porcellum faciam cruentum”. Porcellus comprehenditur a famulis, ductus sub die XVI Kal. Lucerninas, ubi abundant cymae, Clibanato et Piperato consulibus. Et ut vidit se moriturum esse, horae spatium petiit et cocum rogavit, ut testamentum facere posset. Clamavit ad se suos parentes, ut de cibariis suis aliquid dimittere eis. Qui ait:
Patri meo Verrino Lardino do lego dari glandis modios XXX, et matri meae Veturinae Scrofae do lego dari Laconicae siliginis modios XL, et sorori meae Quirinae, in cuius votum interesse non potui, do lego dari hordei modios XXX. Et de meis visceribus dabo donabo sutoribus saetas, rix[at]oribus capitinas, surdis auriculas, causidicis et verbosis linguam, buculariis intestina, esiciariis femora, mulieribus lumbulos, pueris vesicam, puellis caudam, cinaedis musculos, cursoribus et venatoribus talos, latronibus ungulas. Et nec nominando coco legato47 dimitto popiam et pistillum, quae mecum attuleram; de Theveste usque ad Tergeste liget sibi colum de reste. Et volo mihi fieri monumentum ex litteris aureis scriptum: “M.GRUNNIUS COROCOTTA PORCELLUS VIXIT ANNIS DCCCC.XC.VIIII.S(EMIS). QUODSI SEMIS VIXISSET, MILLE ANNOS IMPLESSET”. Optimi amatores vei vel consules vitae, rogo vos ut cum corpore meo bene faciatis, bene condiatis de boni condimentis nuclei, piperis et mellis, ut nomen meum in sempiternum nominetur. Mei domini vel consobrini mei, qui testamento meo interfuistis, iubete signari”.
Lario signavit. Ofellicus signavit. Cyminatus signavit. Lucanicus signavit. Tergillus signavit. Celsinus signavit. Nuptialicus signavit. Explicit testamentum porcelli sub die XVI Kal. Lucerninas Clibanato et Piperato consulibus feliciter.
https://www.thelatinlibrary.com/testamentum.html
Translation
Latin pg. 221
- ‘dissimulare etiam sperasti, perfide, tantum posse nefas tacitusque mea decedere terra?
nec te noster amor nec te data dextera quondam
nec moritura tenet crudeli funere Dido?
quin etiam hiberno moliri sidere classem- et mediis properas Aquilonibus ire per altum, crudelis? quid, si non arva aliena domosque
ignotas peteres, et Troia antiqua maneret,
Troia per undosum peteretur classibus aequor?
mene fugis? per ego has lacrimas dextramque tuam te- (quando aliud mihi iam miserae nihil ipsa reliqui), per conubia nostra, per inceptos hymenaeos,
si bene quid de te merui, fuit aut tibi quicquam
dulce meum, miserere domus labentis et istam,
oro, si quis adhuc precibus locus, exue mentem.- te propter Libycae gentes Nomadumque tyranni
odere, infensi Tyrii; te propter eundem
exstinctus pudor et, qua sola sidera adibam,
fama prior. cui me moribundam deseris hospes
(hoc solum nomen quoniam de coniuge restat)?- quid moror? an mea Pygmalion dum moenia frater
destruat aut captam ducat Gaetulus Iarbas?
saltem si qua mihi de te suscepta fuisset
ante fugam suboles, si quis mihi parvulus aula
luderet Aeneas, qui te tamen ore referret,- non equidem omnino capta ac deserta viderer.’
Translation & Notes sperasti = speravisti “Traitor, have you hoped to be able to cover up such crimes and, silent, to flee my land? Do neither our love, nor the right hand formerly pledged, nor Dido about to die with cruel funeral hold you? In fact, are you even building a fleet during winter constellation, and are you preparing to go through the deep [ocean] during the middle of the north wind? Why, if you were not seeking alien lands and unknown homes, and if ancient Troy were to remain, is Troy laid open to fleets through the wavy sea? Do you flee me? I beg you, through these tears and your right [hand] (since I myself left nothing else to miserable me now), through our marriage, through weddings begun, if I earned something well from you, or [if] anything of mine was sweet to you, take pity on the falling house, and if there is any place here for prayers, put aside that plan. Because of you, the Libyan nations and rulers of Numidians hate [me], the Tyrians [are] hostile; because of the same you, and [my] sense of honor [is] extinguished, and prior reputation, by which alone I was going to the stars, [is extinguished]. For whom do desert dying me, guest (since this name only remains from “husband”)? Why do I delay? Until either my brother Pygmalion destroys the walls, or the Gaetulian Iarbas leads captured [me]? At least, if some offspring had been begotten for me from you before [your] escape, if some small Aeneas, who nevertheless would bring you back with [his] face, would play in the palace for me, I would not seem entirely deceived and deserted entirely.”
dum /w subjunctive = “until”, dum /w indicative = “while”
Latin pg. 227
- Dixerat. ille Iovis monitis immota tenebat
lumina et obnixus curam sub corde premebat.
tandem pauca refert: ‘ego te, quae plurima fando
enumerare vales, numquam, regina, negabo- promeritam43, nec me meminisse pigebit Elissae dum memor ipse mei48, dum spiritus hos regit artus.
pro re pauca loquar. neque ego hanc abscondere furto
speravi (ne finge) fugam, nec coniugis umquam
praetendi taedas aut haec in foedera veni.- me si fata meis paterentur49 ducere vitam auspiciis et sponte mea componere curas,
urbem Troianam primum dulcisque meorum
reliquias colerem, Priami tecta alta manerent,
et recidiva manu posuissem Pergama victis.- sed nunc Italiam magnam Gryneus Apollo,
Italiam Lyciae iussere capessere sortes;
hic amor, haec patria est. si te Karthaginis arces
Phoenissam Libycaeque aspectus detinet urbis,
quae tandem Ausonia Teucros considere terra- invidia est?50 et nos fas extera quaerere regna.51
me patris Anchisae, quotiens umentibus umbris
nox operit terras, quotiens astra ignea surgunt,
admonet in somnis et turbida terret imago;
me puer Ascanius capitisque iniuria cari52,- quem regno Hesperiae fraudo et fatalibus arvis.
nunc etiam interpres divum Iove missus ab ipso
(testor utrumque caput) celeris mandata per auras
detulit: ipse deum manifesto in lumine vidi
intrantem muros vocemque his auribus hausi.- desine meque tuis incendere teque querelis;
Italiam non sponte sequor.’
Prep
cura, curae, fem: concern premo, premere: to press fando is a gerund umquam, adv: ever spons, spontis, fem: free will (sponte, adv: voluntarily) colo, colere, colui, cultus: to honor
Translation & Notes
She had said. Because of the warnings of Jupiter, he himself was holding eyes unmoving and struggling, he pressed care under [his] heart. Finally he replies little [words]: “I will never deny that you deserve the many things you are able to count by speaking, nor will it pain me to remember Elissa (i.e. Dido) while I myself [am] remembering of myself, while [my] spirit rules these limbs. Let me say a few [things] for [this] case. I neither hoped to conceal this escape with deception (do not think [this]), nor did I ever extend the torches of the spouse, nor did I come into these agreements. If the fates were to allow me to lead life with my [own] auspices and to organize matters with my [own] will, I would be caring for the city Troy first and the sweet leftovers (relics, remains) of my [people], the tall roofs of Priam would remain, and by hand, I would have established (placed) a restored Pergama (citadel of Troy) for the vanquished (trojans). But now Apollo of Grynium [ordered me to make for] great Italy, and the Lycian oracles ordered [me] to make for Italy; this [is my] love, this is [my] fatherland. If the citadels of Carthage and the sight of the Libyan city holds back you, a Phoenician, what hatred is there that the Trojans settle [in] Ausonian [land]? It is proper that we seek foreign kingdoms. The troubled ghost of [my] father Anchises, whenever night covers the lands with moist clouds, whenever fiery stars shine, warns me in dreams and terrifies me; [my] boy Ascanius and injury of a dear head [warns/terrifies] me, ”
(i.e. Aeolus’s favor) ↩
North wind. Dative of Disadvantage (Reference) ↩
Aeneas (ipsius) ↩
Quem ad finem sese effrenata iactabit audacia? ↩
Si nisi num ne ↩
Indicative present verbs with “dum” = “while”: Past tense main verb => translate present dum verb as imperfect ↩
Accusative of motion toward with (ad)veho ↩
First half-line of Aeneid ↩
I.E. To compete with Aeneas to provide hospitality. Or “it would not pain you to have vied [to be] first with respect to kindness” ↩
Iulus = Ascanius, son of Aeneas ↩
Another half-line ↩
“Urbem quam statuo vestra est”: Urbem is accusative just to fuck with us. “relative attraction” ↩
Weird pluperfect when it should be imperfect subjunctive, Scotty P has yet to explain. ↩
Accusative of respect ↩
Accusative of respect ↩
Half line ↩
subnexus = Greek middle participle, not a literal translation ↩
What? Apparently a duplicate of earlier line 233 copied over ↩
Cursed accusative of respect ↩
Persuasit: To persuade (someone +dat) of (something +acc) ↩
Substantive result clause: Acting as subject of “fiebat” ↩
Milia = Accusative of extent of space ↩
Ablative of accordance (respect or specification) ↩
Genitive of measure of time??? ↩
quā = adverbial where; qua via = by which path ↩
Semideponent verb: Use passive forms in perfect tenses with active meaning. ↩
lit: Are deprived of living breath ↩
simul atque = simulatque = as soon as ↩
Lit: a hundred thousand of paces ↩
I.e. met Sabinus and Cotta ↩
Romans leave
Semideponent verb: audeo audere ausus sum ↩
Dative of purpose ↩
Partitive gen: lit. something of a disaster ↩
Rhetorical question = acc + inf (ind stmt) rather than subjunctive? ↩
I.E. the spears for throwing from on top of the words ↩
Ablative of function?? ↩
altore recepto: Probably actually an ablative absolute ↩ ↩2 ↩3
petisset -> petivisset for meter. Subjunctive: Reported opinion: Subject of petisset
posuere -> posuerunt (syncopation) ↩
Emulation of Greek middle voice: Greek accusative ↩
intestinas meas -> intestina mea (intestina, -orum, neu) ↩ ↩2
exhortavit -> exhortatus est (exhortor, -ari, -atus sum) ↩
And to the cook not to be named I bequeath ↩
Objective genitive + implied “sum”: While I myself (am) remembering of myself. ↩
patior, pati (not pateo, patere): Pateo patere is intransitive and cannot be passive Divum -> Divorum ↩
Indirect statement /w Teucros as subject (implied “esse”): “What hatred is there that the Trojans settle in Italy?” ↩
Indirect statement with “nos” as subject, introduced by “[id] fas est” ↩
-que joins compound subject Ascanius & inuria, objective genitive capitis cari, verb “admonet” gapped ↩